ISN member Edmund Potts argues that there are lessons from the German left that TUSC and the ISN would do well to learn from.
In the past decade, the German left has undergone a transformation we can all learn from.
Ten years ago, socialists and left-inclined voters were faced with a dilemma much like the one we face in this country: it was clear that with its attacks on the welfare state, the ruling SPD-Green coalition no longer represented an effective defence of working people against capitalism. However, the only viable alternative was the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS), the new name of East Germany’s semi-reformed communists – and they remained so tainted by their association with dictatorship that they failed to gain much of an audience outside the old East.
All that changed, however, with the founding in 2005 of a new party, the Electoral Alternative for Jobs and Social Justice – WASG. (Those of us engaged in building TUSC should perhaps note that we are not the first to be saddled with an unwieldy acronym.) The WASG with its origins in the West quickly became a new home for thousands of previously independent or disillusioned socialists, as well as former Social Democrats dissatisfied with the rightward turn of their party.
Within a year, unexpected early elections spurred the whole left into action: the PDS and WASG recognised their complementary strengths and decided to merge as soon as possible, fighting the 2005 elections in an electoral alliance. This process wasn’t always easy, as some WASG members were unhappy with PDS politicians who implemented cuts when in coalition with other parties. But ultimately, the new party Die Linke (The Left) has become a strong united party which can now achieve up to 12% of the national vote.
So, what are the lessons we can learn from the experiences of the German left? First, we can see that speed is vital. In the same way that SYRIZA in Greece has managed to increase its share of the vote from 5% to 17% in just three years, Die Linke was born out of a specific moment of crisis (and opportunity) for the left; the fact that it was able to unite quickly and use its pre-existing bases of organisation to its advantage ensured its continuing success and status as the natural home of the left. Clearly in this country today we face a crisis of similar magnitude and must act swiftly, before it’s too late.
Second, the federal structure of Die Linke shows us the way forward in how to organise a strong united party, even if the political direction of such a party is sometimes not ideal. Within Die Linke there are former social democrats, trade unionists, environmentalists, unreconstructed communists, libertarian socialists, Trotskyists – and all of them manage to co-operate relatively peacefully with each other, if not without friction. The various groups have learned to see Die Linke as a vehicle both for bringing socialism to the masses, but also with which to convince other activists within the party of their particular ideological brand; and in the end, all are happy to abide by a programme which is not their ideal because they recognise it is better than the alternative.
Third, Die Linke managed to attract a strong independent membership of [often young] anti-capitalists not previously connected with party politics, by building student and youth branches all over the country, building on Germany’s long history of student radicalism. However, the new membership wasn’t exclusively young; thousands of older supporters have since joined local brances in their area, finally feeling that they have a home on the left after years of isolation outside the Social Democratic Party.
It is clear that the speed and strength of achieving unity, its pluralism and tolerance, and its clear, coherent message made the party the destination of choice for anyone convinced (or hoping to be convinced) of the case for socialism. And that is the role which I think the TUSC must play, and the task that lies ahead for the ISN.
